Bill White On Donald Trump, Part Quatre
I have been watching as Donald Trump assembles his cabinet, and like many people I have noticed the swamp-dwelling Republican stars who have been taking posts as rewards for their absolutely disloyalty to Trump throughout the election. There is Reince Preibus, now White House Chief of Staff, who at least, did not denounce Trump while he was seeking office, and, there is Elaine Chao, wife of the doll from the movie Saw, Mitch McConnell, who has been given the Transportation Department. There is also the Jewish banker Steve Mnuchin in Treasury, and, of course the big distraction, the possibility that Mormon-Mason Mitt Romney will be handed the State Department. These kinds of picks leave many wondering what is going on.
But, I have noticed something else, which is the maneuvering Trump has been making with strategic promotion of members of opposing caucuses -- women like Nikki Haley, the White-hating Governor of South Carolina, and the Democratic Senator from North Dakota whom Trump has been wooing. Both of these people are being "promoted" out of positions into which harder core Trump loyalists, if not outright populists, will likely step -- the Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina will take Haley's seat, and it is highly unlikely that another Democratic will win the U. S. Senate race in North Dakota.
What Trump seems to be doing is handing out bribes to the Republican Party by placing their officials into positions that require Senate confirmation, while allowing the hard-core Trump supporters who cannot get Senate confirmation to take executive-appointed posts like White House strategist or National Security Advisor. He's then picking compromise candidates -- Republicans on the paleo-conservative fringe -- to take the most senior posts where he needs people who will defend him, like Attorney General, and it seems Department of Defense. (Though I question the wisdom of appointing one of the architects the U.S. defeats in Iraq, and, Afghanistan, to that position in the deceit, and, conceit, that he was involved in "winning" those wars).
Trump has control of the presidency, but he does not have control of the government. The Congress is still in the hands of Republicans. And while a unified Republican Party needs only a majority to approve Trump's nominees, it only takes a handful of defectors in the Senate -- maybe 4 -- to block them, and, to block Trump's legislative program.
Thus Trump cannot govern without making a deal with the Republicans, and this essentially means a coalition government in which lucrative cabinet posts like the Transportation secretariat that will be dishing out the infrastructure funds when Trump decides to build more roads, have to be handed out as bribes. Meanwhile, the people who represent what Trump thinks -- Steve Bannon, Michael Flynn, and, the like -- are kept in places where they are not subject to legislative scrutiny.
It is thus interesting to watch as Trump perfects the art of the deal in forming a government. One has to wonder how long this nationalist-Republican coalition government will last. One is reminded of Joseph Stalin's rise to power in Russia on the backs of the Jewish Bolshevik revolution. At first, Stalin was forced to govern with the triumvirate of Trotsky, Kamenev, and Zinvoviev. Within a few years, he had driven out first one, then the other, until a time came when all of the other factions had been liquidated and only Stalin remained. Had the Judaic forces within his own government not assassinated them Stalin, who had risen at their allies, was ready to turn on them as a power bloc as well.
We can only hope that Trump has such a master plan in line. At the outset, nomination of Republicans might be necessary. But they are necessary in the sense that Hitler had to govern with the Reichstag for a few months until some Jewish Communist set it on fire. Trump's goal for the 2018 elections needs to be to replace moderate and merely "conservative" Republicans in the Congress with populists, nationalists, and White activists. His promotion of enemies out of positions which he needs -- like flipping the Democratic Senate seat in North Dakota -- is a good start on this, as Trump needs to build such a bloc in the Congress, while keeping other factions divided, that he can ditch his Republican alliance, and, all of those that he has promoted beyond their abilities. For once someone like Nikki Haley is sitting as UN Ambassador she is in Trump's power, and is subject to being purged the moment that Trump can dispense with her; he cannot do that while she sits as South Carolina's governor in some ugly Hindu parody of Reconstruction.
So despite some less than perfect picks for the moment, Trump may be working with a bigger strategy that will ultimately deliver to the American people what he was elected to do. Trump's decision to immediately bring some jobs back to the United States, and his decision to go to the people and to speak to the people, and, to hold onto the people as a weapon to be used should the Judæo-occult establishment turn on him, is encouraging. And, the American people -- the White working people who elected Trump -- cannot expect the leader to move more quickly than circumstances permit. After all, it will be a long, hard, journey towards making America White again.