Statement of Bill White
[I would like to thank Alex Linder for his speedy transcription of the 17-page handwritten original letter into typescript. - HAC]
Statement on My Arrests And On "Operation Hopeful Eagle"
I was arrested October 17, 2008 and charged with soliciting a violent felony against a federal juror. I was innocent, and the case against me was dismissed July 21, 2009. I was ordered released from the Bureau of Prison's Metropolitan Correctional Center in Chicago July 24, 2009, and was immediately rearrested on charges of extortion, witness intimidation and transmitting threats. I am innocent of those charges, and was ordered released on bond pending their dismissal September 10, 2009 and September 18, 2009. I was released, but was forced to surrender myself September 23, 2009, after the Fourth Circuit ruled that the "appearance of innocence" was not sufficient reason to grant bond under the 1984 Bail Reform Act. Today, I sit in jail, waiting for the final dismissal of my case, either December 2, 2009, December 9, 2009, or shortly thereafter.
The past thirteen months I have been imprisoned, brutalized, ordered to confess, ordered to cooperate, slandered in the mass media, and called a "serial killer" and "spree killer", despite the fact I have killed no one, all over a series of "crimes" the government of the United States has known, from the beginning, I did not commit.
Over this time, witnesses in my defense have been bribed and threatened by thugs in the FBI, evidence that exonerated me has been "lost" (and then "refound"), judges have been fixed (and removed from my case for being fixed), evidence has been falsified (and exposed), and every dirty and illegal trick suitable to the Mafia or a Third World dictatorship has been used to railroad me, the first arrest in a campaign of political arrests the black communist regime in Washington has dubbed "Operation Hopeful Eagle".
I learned of this operation from radio reports carried on NPR just after the Holocaust Museum shooting in June 2009. I know of seven arrests that have been made under it; I expect that there are more. I have had very little access to news and information this past year, but I have some discovery from my dismissed Chicago case, including witness statements, some news reports, and enough that the general outline of what has been done to me and is being done to white activists in this country has become clear.
In the name of fighting the boogeyman of "lone wolf terrorism", a largely non-existent and fringe doctrine best associated with Tom Metzger, who, while I like personally, has not commanded the influence he once had in white circles for many years, the federal government has launched a massive effort to "decapitate" white organizations, arresting white leaders who refuse to cooperate with them, and replacing them with FBI confidential informants. This is what was explicitly stated in the NPR broadcast I heard, and matches what I have seen [indeciph.] since 2008.
But, perhaps I've gotten ahead of myself. Before my arrest, at the instruction of an as-yet unnamed Obama campaign staffer who called Patrick Fitzgerald, US Attorney for the Northern District of Illinois, and told him to stop publication of a magazine, critical of and mocking Obama just before the election, there was an investigation, conducted by the Bush government, and initiated shortly after I told the Republican Party I would not moderate my message, would not mainstream myself with conservatism, and would not accept a bribe to stop criticizing the Jews.
This investigation, and the effort to convert me and my organization into "domestic terrorists", is where I must begin.
In 2006, after I and other members of the National Socialist Movement disrupted a Minutemen rally in Washington, D.C., calling the group insufficiently racist, I was contacted by a friend in Washington and given an offer I wasn't supposed to refuse. If I would stop criticizing Jews and focus my efforts on illegal immigration, I would be hired by a conservative think tank, "mainstreamed" for a few years until my National Socialist past was forgotten, and brought into the Republican political fold. I refused.
The Republican Party controls - or at least has a strategic relationship with - much of the "white supremacist" and "far right" movements of this country. Anyone who has moved in white nationalist leadership circles knows this is true - and knows that the major players deny it. Many criticize me for stating openly what is often considered a "dark secret", and I won't belabor the point here. All I will say is that at some point, the Bush administration [indeciph.] tired of my antics [?] and my criticism of its allies in the white movement.
The FBI, which had prided itself on "control" of "white supremacist" groups, decided it had lost control. The ADL began revising a story about "lone wolf terrorism", and sold the idea to law enforcement and the military that "domestic terrorism" and IEDs in Iraq were the same thing. And, somehow, I was put at the center of this whirling vortex of forces, with the government convinced I was responsible for every mass killing in the country from Columbine to the Lefkow assassinations.
I am reminded of an old episode of Beavis and Butthead, where Beavis is arrested for the Ina Gada Del Vida killings. When asked how a boy of 13 could have been responsible for killings conducted almost 20 years ago, authorities would only say "he's very clever".
By early 2007, this irrational hatred of me had turned into a criminal investigation. I am not a criminal - I'm a family man and a businessman who is outspoken in favor of what he knows is right - but suddenly my actions began to be cast in that light. Informers were infiltrated into my organization by "private organizations", working with the FBI, and a campaign of internal disruption was launched. By July of 2007, one of [my] Regional Directors, "MB", to use the FBI's redaction method, as I will mention no names yet, was working for a still unnamed "private organization" - probably the Southern Poverty Law Center.
This individual began a campaign of disruption, alienating other leaders and members under his jurisdiction, and I admit I made a mistake by not immediately identifying this and cutting it off. At least two other informers - JB and TB - I did identify and purge after they proposed criminal activities, but MB hung on until right before the end.
In September, the first operation to entrap me was launched. MB called me while I was having lunch at Panera Bread in South Roanoke. Apparently, the Southern Poverty Law Center, or whoever was paying him $350 a week to monitor my activities, felt there was not enough authentic "white supremacist" opposition to their rally in Jena, Louisiana. MB urged I launch a campaign called "Lynch the Jena 6."
His idea was to solicit actual violence against the youths - I moderated it to call for their execution by hanging by the State of Louisiana. But, regardless, the FBI swooped in on the heels of my publication of the statement, threatening my webhost at the time, and disabling my main website for six months, while I launched my own facility. I was never charged for my (lawful) statement.
In the wake of this, an effort was made by the Department of Justice to frame me for a "hate crime". Individuals from the "Citizens Against Hate", some of whom have regular contact with the FBI and may have been working for them, and the Roanoke NAACP contacted [indeciph.] Brown, a member of a local crack cocaine-dealing gang, which was later busted by the FBI, possibly on information from Mr. Brown, and persuaded him to attack me near my properties (I own about forty rental units) in the West End of Roanoke, Virginia.
This trial dragged on for several months, primarily because [indecipherable name], a local prostitute who had come to Mr. Brown's aid, refused to testify and "chickened out" of the plot to convict me by perjured testimony. Right before trial on state misdemeanor assault charges, an offer was made to dismiss all charges. I refused the offer, and was acquitted, but what I didn't know at the time is that, if I had accepted that offer, the Department of Justice had been prepared to arrest me that day on federal hatecrime charges, despite knowing, through its informants, that the attack had been a set-up and that I was innocent of it.
While this was going on, several efforts were made to gain access to my computers. First, a government informant, HT, later arrested as part of Operation Hopeful Eagle, offered me web hosting space, with the intent of turning my files over to the FBI. This was not enough. Next, a series of bogus subpoenas were filed against me by Troutman Sanders, a law firm in Richmond, Virginia. One was quashed and the rest were placed under protective orders. Third, when this failed, a grand jury seizure warrant was used to walk through the court's protective order - illegally, as it happens.
None of this uncovered any evidence of a crime.
In an effort to drain my resources, two bogus criminal complaints were also filed against me in Norfolk, Virginia, also by Troutman Sanders, alleging I had "threatened" two of their attorneys and destroyed various documents in advance of their subpoena.
I was acquitted of such misconduct July 28, 2008.
Angry that they were making little headway, and angry that I had set up my new server facility in March of 2008, the FBI renewed efforts that month to frame me for a serious crime. Many ANSWP members were approached that month. Some left the organization out of fear. Others dutifully informed me of the contact. One, my good friend RC, was approached by two agents out of the Newark, New Jersey, field office and asked to commit a violent act of domestic terrorism.
According to what he told me, and what he said on record to Jim Rutenberg [sp?] of the New York Times, RC, who is a public school teacher with no criminal record but who happens to have a New Jersey permit for several registered firearms, was approached at his home by several FBI agents in tactical gear. He invited them in to talk, not least of all because he was terrified of their armed team of men in vests. They told him they "knew I was not committing crimes" but said they "wanted me to be." They proposed putting him on the FBI payroll, stating they "paid better than white supremacy" and said they would "set him up financially for life" if he would commit a violent act of domestic terrorism and implicate me.
When he balked, they asked if he would introduce me to an FBI informant who would commit crimes and frame me. He refused, and asked the agents to leave. When he said he would tell me about the visit, they threatened to physically harm him. He didn't overcome that fear until September and October of that year.
From April forward, MB was on the federal payroll, and began recording my telephone conversations. He did this "independently" of his role as an informer to evade federal wiretap laws, though the tapes were turned over to his FBI handlers, who tried to "lose" them, because they exonerated me of all crimes. Only MB's incessant bragging on the internet brought them to light.
And such was the state of things in September of 2008 when Barack Obama made the decision to use his political pull in Chicago to short circuit Bush's investigation and arrest me in Chicago.
My First Arrest
In 2003, a man named Matt Hale was arrested and charged with soliciting the murder of federal judge Joan Lefkow in Chicago, Illinois. Shortly thereafter, he was convicted and sentenced to forty years in prison. In 2005, another individual killed Lefkow's mother and husband. Officially, this was unrelated to Hale, but a review of, say, the newspapers in Tallinn, Estonia, would reveal the FBI have continued to pursue white activists, who they allege "fled" abroad after the [indeciph.], for evidence of a conspiracy.
Though Hale later admitted, during his first appeal, to soliciting a murder - he quibbled over whose - there were serious irregularities at his trial. Since his trial, there have been rumors his attorney, Thomas Durkin, was bribed into throwing the case. Since then, having had indirect conduct with a former employee of Durkin's during my legal defense, I have concluded this is probably true.
But on September 11, 2008, a curious news article appeared in the Chicago Sun-Times. It appears the Seventh Circuit had agreed to hear a motion by Hale for a new trial after Hale questioned the integrity of the jury foreman in the case. I found the article [indeciph.], did some research, and discovered the following:
Mark Hoffman, an assistant dean at Northwestern University, was Hale's jury foreman. He is Jewish and gay, and an outspoken anti-racist activist. He also has a black lover named Brian Ragsdale. Beyond these dubious qualifications, he knew an individual, Ricky Birdsong, a coach at Northwestern University, who had been killed by Hale's follower Benjamin Smith.
It is my belief, and I wrote in an article that day, that Thomas Durkin was bribed by the US Attorney's Office into allowing Hoffman and six blacks to sit on Hale's jury. At this time, he gave Hale the irrational explanation that blacks and Jews would be "more anti-government" and likely to acquit him. It is likely Durkin knew of Hoffman's background and chose not to object and remove him.
Later that day, I also unveiled the cover of a magazine critical of Barack Obama, which I light-heartedly entitled "Kill This Nigger? Negro Deification and the Obama assassination myth". Contrary to media reports, I did not advocate or threaten the assassination of Obama - I discussed the need of the Jewish media to push white activists into anti-Obama violence to deify the Negro savior.
The plan was to distribute 20,000 copies of this magazine before the election. They were printed, but never distributed due to my arrest. Apparently, this was dangerous enough to Obama's election chances that my arrest became mandated. An Obama campaign staffer - perhaps David Axelrod - called Patrick Fitzgerald and ordered him to arrest me at any cost.
From September 11 through October 17, 2008, I was subjected to increasingly violent provocations by the FBI. Several efforts were made to question me at my home, and when I refused to speak without a lawyer, I was aggressively followed by FBI agents who threatened to wreck my car or run me off the road if I wouldn't speak to them.
In one case, I stopped an agent - his name is in a discovery document I do not have with me - who was following me inches from my rear bumper in an old, large pickup truck. I had my daughter with me, got out of my car, stopped him, and pointed out his driving was threatening my daughter. He said he didn't care about killing babies because he knew what I was up to and if I didn't speak to him he was going to get me.
At one point, I had a parade of 17 agents crowded into six vehicles follow me home from my daughter's babysitter.
And, of course, I had no idea what was going on.
On October 10, 2008, FBI agents raided my server facility in Roanoke, Virginia. The day before, they had leaked to several violent communist groups, including the aforementioned Citizens Against Hate, that they planned to arrest me. On October 12, 2008 and October 15, 2008, MB recorded conversations I had with Phil Anderson, an ANSWP activist who, to my knowledge, never cooperated with the FBI, where I told Phil (and others) that I "did not understand" why the FBI felt I was trying to harm Hoffman - or anyone - but that I wanted him, as my Illinois State leader, to find out if there was a plot against Hoffman and stop it.
The FBI later tried to "lose" these tapes, and only after MB went on the internet bragging he had made them did the FBI, on July 8, 2009, admit their existence. Today, the government insists they have "never received" the tapes and are "unaware if they contain exculpatory evidence".
Despite having recorded me trying to stop anyone from harming Mark Hoffman, I was arrested October 17, 2008, starting a multi-month process of brutalization and torture designed to force my "confession" to this crime of which I was innocent.
The Show Trial
From October 17, 2008 through October 23, 2008 I was locked in a tiny six by six room, under a bright light twenty-four hours a day. I was denied hygiene - like a shower or toothbrush - barely fed, and placed under a regimen of sleep deprivation, which involved Roanoke City Sheriff Deputies banging on my cell loudly every hour to prevent my sleeping. I was denied visits and phone calls, and any contact with the outside world except interrogations and court hearings. By the end, I was a near delirious mess - perfect for being dragged out to a Soviet-style show trial before a kangaroo court.
Immediately on my arrest, the government issued statements to the press indicating I was a "serial killer" who had been stopped "just in time" before going on a killing rampage in the Roanoke, Virginia area. Of course, none of this was true. In June of 2008, seeing federal efforts against me, I filed a Chapter 11 bankruptcy to stop several harassing legal actions against me, and in October 2008, was enthusiastically reorganizing my business. My daughter was the center of my [cut off] and I was thinking of little but withdrawing from political activities to focus on my business and family.
But the government told the world I was the next David Cho, while telling deputies guarding me I was a "domestic terrorist" whose followers might attack the jail or bomb the local federal building. I was actually questioned about these plots on October 26, 2008, by the US Marshal's Court Protective Service. And [cut off] the basis for justifying my torture was laid.
On October 19, 2008, I was brought, for the first time, before Magistrate Michael Urbanski. At that hearing, Special Agent Thomas David Church testified I had nothing to do with several things mentioned in the complaint [cut off] the kidnapping of Elie Wiesel, the threatening of Leonard Pitts, the threat against Joan Lefkow. Urbanski said he felt the government did not have probable cause.
At that point, the government demanded a continuance - which was granted - [cut off] the next day the government indicted me to take the probable cause issue out of Urbanski's hands.
On October 22, 2008, I was dragged out of my room half dead and propped into a witness box in Urbanski's kangaroo court. Papers I had no chance to read were shoved in front of me and it was demanded I confess to writing them or doing things mentioned in them with little chance for me to read what I was accused of. After several hours, the judge ended things, but, by then, it had become embarrasingly evident that this was not a hearing but an interrogation conducted on a man who had been tortured to the point of delirium, and whose testimony was incoherent gibberish.
I was denied bond.
After my show trial, I was allowed to shower and use a telephone, but it was a small break in what would become several months of brutalizing in the maximum security wing of a federal prison.
The week after my hearing, I was transferred to the Federal Transfer Center in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, where I was placed in the AOX/death row segregation unit as a maximum security prisoner. Ten days later, I was transferred to a similar unit in the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Chicago, Illinois.
I was transferred via ConAir, a fleet of old 727s that conduct daily twelve hour flights between prisons across the country. I had never been on a plane that crash landed before ConAir - as I was being taken from Oklahoma to Chicago the radio went out and the plane was forced down for several hours for repairs. Shackled and bound hand and foot, 250 or so prisoners these lengthy [indeciph.] with little facility or care - a modern equivalent of the old Soviet cattle car.
In Oklahoma I discovered I would not be permitted to contact my wife or lawyer. Letters I tried to write were delivered sometime in early 2009.
In Chicago, I was placed in an unheated cell for five days while winter raged outside at 20 and 30 degrees below. I was issued one ragged blanket and a torn uniform, and placed in a filthy, roach-infested room with a bed, a toilet and a small desk. It quickly grew so cold I thought I would die. I shook all hours of the day and night. I was not permitted a shower or hygiene during this period.
Throughout this period, since my arrest, I was told if I did not "confess" and cooperate with the government that this way of living would be my life until these conditions took my life from me. I was extremely saddened, at this time, for my wife and my daughter, who I knew depended strongly on me. I determined to stay strong for their sakes until I would be released.
After the first five days, heat was turned on in my cell and I was permitted a shower three times a week. My attorneys were permitted to visit me, but I was not permitted to see or speak to my wife or daughter. From my attorneys I learned that the judge selected in my case, a Negro affirmative action hire named William Hibbler [sp?], had been "fixed" - in the Chicago way - and that we would have to find a way to remove him, which would be difficult. I also learned that one of my prosecutors, William Hogan, had been previously disbarred for bribing witnesses during a major gang trial with prostitutes and cocaine, but had regained his license after six months and been rehired.
In short, I was facing the dirtiest of Chicago's dirt.
With that in mind, we marched forward.
My Second Indictment
By mid-December, it was clear to the government I wasn't going to break. I'd been transferred, for two days, into a cell flooded with human excrement, and I'd been denied any contact with my family for two months. I'd been told I was a "terrorist" and threatened with enhancements that would have pushed my sentencing guideline to life. Phil Anderson, a witness we wanted to call in this case, had been threatened by an FBI agent named Maureen Mazzola, and told if he did not "plead the Fifth" and refuse to testify in my defense, he'd be either indicted or physically harmed. (Later, Mazzola would falsify a report of the conversation, claiming Anderson had admitted to assisting me in "over 150" acts of violence against federal officials and informers; this statement was exposed as a fraud.)
Several individuals I had known had been called before a Grand Jury and DJ, another one of my regional directors, had been terrified into cooperating with the FBI, after being served with a search warrant for his DNA. But, despite all this, I was neither plea bargaining nor cooperating.
So, the decision was made to indict me in Roanoke.
The Grand Jury investigation had found no evidence of a crime. Despite dozens of witnesses, illegal search warrants, and the review of tens of thousands of documents, no evidence of conspiracy, solicitation, or any criminal act had been received. Faced with this, the Department of Justice decided to drag out a number of cases the FBI and various US Attorney's Offices had determined were not criminal acts and throw them at me, in hopes I'd be convicted in Chicago and forced to plea here.
There was some logic to this. If I was convicted in Chicago of "terrorism" I could have my guidelines pushed to life. But since my charge only allowed ten years, by adding seven worthless charges, I could be sentenced to the maximum on any of which I was convicted, so that would allow the Court to approach the "life" guidelines. So there was some intimidation value.
And, in mid-December, the indictment I am now held on was issued, consisting entirely of half-investigated, politically motivated cases that had been passed on as much as two years earlier, the culmination of two years and $20 million dollars by Paige Fitzgerald, a special prosecutor from the Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division, and her dedicated team of FBI "terrorism" investigators.
On December 29, 2008, I was released from maximum security and sent into general population. I was also allowed to call, and then see, my wife and daughter. This began a "carrot" campaign by the government to compel me to plea-bargain.
Having brutalized me for two and a half months, general population was welcome. The pre-trial floor of the MCC-Chicago were not abusive, and were the most comfortable place of imprisonment I was housed. I could see the sun again, and had a bed with springs, not a slab of metal under it. I could purchase food - rice, soups, peppers, cheese - and coffee (!) - and could cook it in a microwave. There was space outside my room and 88 prisoners on my floor - 44 double rooms - to interact with, though I generally chose not to, as more than half the facility consisted of informants.
Life in population was neither brutal nor violent, though it was stressful. The staff and half the inmates constantly tried to persuade me to confess to one's "crimes" or involve me in more. Under federal law, an inmate who assists the US Attorney's Office in convicting another inmate receives approximately 1/3rd off of his sentence. Contrary to the belief of HT, who pled after his arrest that he should be released because he was a federal informer, most federal inmates are informers, at least outside the high-level US Penitentiary facilities. Informing is written into federal law.
I was often harassed by staff, but not brutalized, from that point forward. Twice, just before my increasingly rare court appearances, I was transferred to maximum security under "investigation" for fabulous reasons. For instance, I had begun the process of enrolling back in school to finish my degree. The fact I possessed science work on environmental chemistry was used to place me back into maximum security for "bomb making materials" during the six days my dismissal hearing was held -the accusation was withdrawn two days afterwards.
Much of my mail was mysteriously refused, I was often threatened by staff members, and was, several times, arbitrarily denied "privileges", like a pillow or clean clothes. But, the general trend of the government's efforts was to sweet talk me into the confession they'd failed to beat out of me.
In January 2009, I was approached with a plea offer of 30 months to the Chicago and Roanoke indictments - with immediate release to work for the FBI at sentencing, setting up other white activists and birthing [?] a false-flag "supremacist" organization under government auspices. (With 85% double credit for punitive conditions, and halfway house and home release, I would essentially be released at sentencing after serving six months, part of it double-credited, to a halfway house, from which the FBI would buy out my bed and place me on payroll). I refused.
In February, I tricked the government into disqualifying Hibbler [sp?]. After discussion with counsel, I learned I could only remove him if the government superseded me with more stuff on Hale. So, I spent two weeks on the phone with my wife doing nothing but discussing things I'd written about Lefkow, stressing how important they were as evidence. Prison security turned the tapes over to the FBI, they found the material in their files, and I was superseded February 4, 2009, in such a way that Hibbler was forced off my case.
From that point, legally, it was clear sailing. Judge Lynn Adelman - the only judge who had ever ruled in Hale's favor - was assigned to my case, and, on July 21st, 2009, my case was dismissed.
My Return To Roanoke
After the dismissal of my case, the government asked that I be imprisoned as a "dangerous person" under an obscure federal law that allows a person acquitted of a federal crime to be imprisoned while the government appeals. This was denied July 24, 2009, and I was released and arrested on my Roanoke charges that day. The next week I was ordered transferred in custody to Virginia, and, during the next six weeks, I was slowly moved, jail to jail, across the country, through a brief maximum security stint in Oklahoma, to the Roanoke City Jail.
August 28, 2009, more than a month after my "release" I arrived in Roanoke, and hearings on my release began September 2, 2009. On September 10, 2009, Magistrate Judge Urbanski, an apology in his eyes, ordered me released on bond pending dismissal of my charges, saying it was so apparent I was innocent there was no sense in detaining me. The government appealed, and on September 18, 2009, Judge Turk affirmed the decision. I went home to my wife and little girl that evening.
I returned home to a disaster. In my absence, a shady lawyer had plundered my bankruptcy estate, and my poor wife, being inexperienced in business, had been robbed blind. I spent my five days getting things in enough order, there would still be something left.
And then I was ordered back to jail.
On September 23, 2009, the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals stayed my release, and on October 23, 2009, stated that "the appearance of innocence" was not sufficient cause to grant bond to "dangerous persons" under the 1985 Bond Reform Act. And so I have sat in jail, awaiting the final dismissal of my case.
Since my return to Roanoke, DJ, my regional director turned informer, was arrested, despite his assistance to the FBI, but has been released on easy terms of bond, and has since made illegal proposals to C [?}, my wife, and several other witnesses and associates.
While in Chicago, I also heard of the arrests of the Mahon brothers and HT, both of whom were held in the same brutal conditions I experienced during my earlier [scanned paper is folded over too much of the remainder of this letter to read][indeciph.] was not criminal; FBI Agent David Church testified I had nothing to do with threatening Leonard Pitts. Similar things are there for every count I'm charged with - I'm not at liberty to discuss them all.
I also know that MB, the informer, made and bragged on the internet about making, numerous phone calls imitating me and threatening various people. I'm indicted for at least one of these phone calls.
But, really, I'm now just in a waiting game. The government indicated Wednesday that they were not ready for trial, did not have their witnesses in order, and asked I be detained into next year while they tried to prepare. This request was refused, and with that request, their case has all but died.
So I wait until my next hearing, December 2nd, and pray for my release.
Conclusions and Lessons Learned
This has been only an outline of the dirty tricks I have faced during a three year campaign by the FBI and both political parties to frame me for a variety of crimes I did not commit, and to force me, against my will, into being another "white supremacist domestic terrorist".
What it reveals is the essential falsehood of modern notions of "white supremacy" and the means by which "domestic terrorism" has become a boogeyman - and a straw boogeyman - largely manufactured by the government to frighten the population into acceptance of our failing system.
I have never engaged in, encouraged, or participated in criminal acts of violence, or any criminal acts. I have, at times, engaged in philosophical reflection on violent acts that is outside the spectrum of belief permitted by modern democratic society. In response and retaliation for that, the proponents of modern democratic humanism attempted to frame me as a criminal, and, when I refused to become one, arrested me, slandered me, tortured me, and attempted to brutalize me into "confessing" to crimes that never existed, except in their imagination.
In many ways, this is the "Goldsteinism" of George Orwell's 1984, and reveals to the extent our nation has become Sovietized, both under the black communist regime currently occupying Washington, and the neoconservative/neo-Trotskyist administration of George W. Bush.
The tactics that were approved for use against foreign "terrorists", Arabs, Turks, and other South/Central Asian peoples fighting in defense of their countries against US and Zionist wars of aggression, are now being used to brutalize American citizens who have expressed a peaceful, if strong and confrontational, opposition to the collapse of America into Jewish Bolshevism.
So let my story be a warning to those who question the poverty, hunger, war and misery the modern political parties and the Judeo-"capitalist" system are bringing on our people. If you speak out effectively against this system, you will be arrested, you will be tortured, and every effort will be made to compel you to "confess", Soviet-style, to various crimes against the people.
And if it happens to the peaceful speaker, what more can be done to the man of action?