Letter From Bill White
[Handwritten in pen on yellow paper, from Bill White. Unashamedly pinched from Alex Linder's VNN.]
November 16, 2009
I'm sending you this because, while I have shared the story of my arrest and detention with several newspapers, I have not given the full story to anyone who may be willing to publish it in an uncensored form. I thought you may have that intent - you are certainly the most widely read of those who might.
I have seen very little of the press surrounding my case, but am aware what the government has said about me. The truth, which is that the government has attempted to infiltrate and use the American National Socialist Workers Party as a terrorist organization, repeatedly failed to set me up, and, in failing, decided to arrest me and brutalize me into confessing to crimes I didn't commit. Such is the new 'kwa.
In early 2007, a government task force was erected in Washington to prosecute me, probably in response to my publishing of Eric Hunt's statement on the kidnapping of Elie Wiesel. By mid-2007, no later than July, Michael Burks, my Midwestern Regional Director, was working in the employ of an as-yet unnamed private anti-racist group, deliberately disrupting my activities and alienating other members of the group. Two others with similar agendas -- Justin Boyer and Tim Bland -- I was able to identify; Burks clung on right about to the end.
In September 2007, the government began active disruption of my activities in response to the Jena 6 campaign. The first effort to frame me came with the staged "hate crime" in October of that year.
The group Citizens Against Hate, working with the Roanoke NAACP, solicited a local crack dealer and pimp to attack me while driving down the street. Whether or not the FBI and DOJ were in on planning that attack is unclear. However, they were behind the "deal" offered me by the Commonwealth of Virginia to drop all charges against both of us. I demanded trial, and, as reported in the paper, the crack dealer was convicted and I was acquitted. Had I accepted the deal to drop all state changes, DOJ lawyers were in the courtroom waiting to charge me with "hate crimes" that they knew to be fraudulent. I dodged that bullet.
In response, in January 2008, a phony civil suit was brought against me to use civil process to try to fish out criminal evidence. [Sound familiar? - HAC] A series of bogus subpoenas, all eventually quashed or modified by the courts, were filed against me to attempt to gain access to my computers, and two acts of bogus criminal complaints were sworn out against me in Norfolk, Virginia, for allegedly "threatening" lawyers involved in prosecution of "civil rights" cases. As reported in the "Stellman opinion" [Ed - not sure if Stellman or Stillman] those complaints were dismissed as protected speech.
But here is where the investigation began in earnest. Mike Burks, Dan Jones, Phil Anderson, Robert Campbell and probably others unknown were first approached by FBI agents in late March and early April 2008, just prior to our Chicago dinner. By no later than that time, Burks, who was to be the star witness against me in Chicago, became a formal federal informer. Robert Campbell, who did not become an informer, was approached by two agents who told him they knew I was not committing crimes but wanted me to be, and was further told he'd be paid a large sum of money and "set up for life" if he would commit or aid an FBI agent in committing a violent act of domestic terrorism and frame me for it. When he threatened to turn this information over to me, the FBI told him he'd be physically harmed if he shared his story. And so the tone was set for this investigation.
From April 2008 through October 2008, Michael Burks and others recorded my phone calls, sidestepping the wiretap law. I was approached by at least seven individuals on the government payroll who asked me to commit crimes with them.
One posed as a fellow just out of the army, said he "had weapons and people" and "was ready to go" to commit a terrorist act in the Seattle area. I told him never to talk to me again. Another pretended to be an investor, "Michael Klein," who DIP-funded [Ed - not sure 'DIP' is right] Chapter 11 estates. He had me going until he suggested I do an illegal insider trade involving a partnership owned by an offshore corporation I would control. I told him that was illegal and to never call me again. In fact, during my case in Chicago, the government tried to "lose" dozens of hours of tape of me telling people I didn't want to commit crimes.
There is also a stack of witness reports from me consisting of FBI agents banging on my door and being told I didn't want to speak to them, and reports of agents following my car, six inches from the back bumper, trying to push me off the road and force me to talk to them -- once while my then eight-month-old daughter was riding in the back seat. That agent recorded himself saying he didn't care if babies died because he was going to "get" me.
So, with this background, we come to my arrest, torture, detention and eventual acquittal in Chicago, and the case that is now being dismissed in Roanoke.
In September 2008, I announced my intent to publish the now infamous "Kill This Nigger?" magazine, which included an article on Mark Hoffman, a tainted juror and jury foreman in the Matt Hale trial. If you've seen the online version of the magazine, you'll know the cover article was on the need the Jewish media had to incite "white supremacists" to assassinate Obama to complete his deification, not a screed inviting violence. We now know though, through discovery, that a member of Obama's campaign staff contacted Patrick Fitzgerald, the US Attorney for Chicago, to demand my arrest.
The more substantial reason for my arrest, though, was my article exposing the fact the US Attorney's Office in Chicago, in cooperation with [Matt] Hale's attorney, Thomas Durkin, fixed the jury by placing Hoffman, the homosexual Jew with the black boyfriend, on it. While in Chicago, my investigative staff spoke to a former employee of Durkin who confirmed that Durkin threw the case and worked with Fitzgerald to railroad Hale.
To stop publication of the magazine, I was arrested October 17, 2008, on a trumped-up warrant of solicitation of a violent felony against a federal juror. On two occasions prior to my arrest, the FBI had, via Michael Burks, tape recorded me instructing Phil Anderson to find out why the FBI felt someone was going to harm Mr. Hoffman and stop them. The FBI tried to lose these tapes, and on March 19, 2009, actually gave us a witness statement by Michael Burks stating he "did not remember being present" for phone conversations he recorded. Had Burks not bragged up and down the internet, the government may never have admitted them, but in July 2009, the US Attorney's Office finally admitted to the tapes, saying they had been "lost" because they were made by "another jurisdiction."
So the government arrested me for soliciting a violent felony while having private tapes of me saying I did not want anyone harmed and asking people to stop any effort to do so.
In this last memo, they stated they "had not reviewed" the tapes, and thus "did not know" if they contained exculpatory evidence.
But my arrest was the start, not the end, of the investigation. After my arrest, the government told the world I was a "serial killer," and told the Deputies at the Roanoke City Jail I was a "domestic terrorist." Claiming they had been informed of a plot to "bomb" the Poff Federal Building, I was subjected to coercive interrogation techniques a la Guantanamo Bay. For six days, until just after my second bond hearing, in the Roanoke City Jail I was kept in a tiny room under a bright light 24 hours a day, was denied phone calls, hygiene, visits and sleep (via efforts to wake me every hour) while I was interrogated periodically by US marshals about crimes I knew nothing about. Eventually, those statements will be made public - I implicated no one and confessed to nothing, despite a near-total psychic collapse. (Try not sleeping for six days - it's not good.)
It was in this condition I was [indeciph. - dragged?] before the world to testify at my show trial detention hearing, October 22, 2008. And while I was moved to a segregation unit, I was continually abused from the day of my arrest until December 29, 2008, in an effort to break me and make me both confess to crimes I didn't commit and cooperate against other white activists being targeted by "Operation Hopeful Eagle," the Obama administration's ongoing effort to break the "white supremacist" movement.
On arrival in Chicago, I was kept five days in a filthy unheated cell, without sheets and with one torn blanket and some ragged clothes, while temperatures went to 30 below. I spent two days in a cell flooded with human excrement. Until December 29, I was almost entirely denied visits and phone calls and kept in strict isolation as a "terrorist." And, I was told if I didn't cooperate and plea, I would face that the rest of my life, as Hale has.
The only trouble the government had is that my charge only carried ten years, but they originally concocted a sentencing scheme of soliciting murder in furtherance of domestic terrorism - which carries a life sentence (level 43 category VI plus 15 levels [?] of enhancement). To "fix" this, they threw at me this second indictment, which I now face in Roanoke. The charges here are mostly low-level, but had I had a guideline of "life" in Chicago, I could've been given the maximum on all of them.
Really, what the government expected to happen is for my arrest to frighten other ANSWP activists into confessing various criminal conspiracies before the Roanoke Grand Jury. While Dan Jones was frightened into becoming another informer (his "freebillwhite.com" website has been an FBI front), no one confessed any conspiracies. So, rather than walk away from this investigation, the government pulled out "cold cases" they had previously decided did not merit prosecution, and threw them at me. Some of them have not even been fully investigated, and, just a week ago, the government was denied a continuance they requested to "finish investigating" some of the cases.
And so I sit here in jail, detained 13 months for crimes I didn't commit, and acts that are not crimes.
A few other interesting points that have come out of the discovery and evidence in this case:
Mike Burks is the one who suggested to me the "Lynch the Jena 6" campaign. Apparently, this was done because the organization paying him -- almost surely the Southern Poverty Law Center -- felt there had not been enough authentic "white supremacist" opposition to them.
Shortly after my arrest, Maureen Mazzola, an agent of the FBI, interviewed Phil Anderson, the former ANSWP Illinois leader, and falsified a witness statement from him in an effort to use it as "relevant conduct" in case of a plea agreement. Among things she did is claim I had been involved in "over 150" crimes against federal officials and "civil rights" activists, and edit Phil's words - he said I called him to find out if anyone was planning to harm Hoffman and stop them; she wrote I called him to find out if anyone was going to harm Hoffman as I wanted. And so on. We have asked criminal obstruction charges be brought against her and she is, to my understanding, now under investigation.
Now, after December 29, the government's attitude changed towards me, somewhat. I was allowed in general population, given 300 minutes a month of phone calls and regular visits, and told if I'd plea and cooperate I could be released almost immediately. Without cooperation, the government came down from a guideline of life to 30 months. I still refused, and was frequently harassed and targeted by staff, but was not again abused as I had been with the exception of two periods, once timed with the removal of my tainted judge, and once timed with the dismissal of my case, when I spent a week under investigation in solitary confinement for imagined offenses.
In June of 2009, after the Holocaust museum shootings, a round up of white activists occurred, and that was when I heard, during an NPR broadcast, an FBI agent discussing "Operation Hopeful Eagle."
Apparently, the Obama administration has decided to "take control" of the"white supremacist" movement by bribing white leaders to cooperate with the FBI and arresting those who won't. While I was in Chicago, Hal Turner and David and Dennis Mahon were brought in. Hal has admitted to being an informer - it was his reason given for release on bond at his Chicago hearing. Still, he and the Mahons were being held in the same punishment and isolation wing I'd been in. I am told Hal is cooperating and now free. The Mahons were apparently set up by a pretty girl who, at first, pretended to be broken down on the side of the road, then drug them into a conspiracy to bomb her "boyfriend's" house.
I am also aware Dan Jones was arrested in September and was released afterwards on bond. He is currently working for the FBI - since his release he has approached and tried to set up Robert Campbell, Chris Drake and my wife (who has almost never had any political involvement in anything). There have probably been other arrests as well I'm unaware of, and therehave been minor arrests, such as the recent conviction of Elisha Strom for distributing criticisms of the Botetourt [sp?] County Vice Squad. So now I sit, four months after my case was dismissed July 21st, and two months after my most recent (and third) release order, as the Fourth Circuit has ruled that apparent innocence is not sufficient reason to grant bond. Dec 2nd we will have a hearing to dismiss my charges and, if the judge wishes to hear additional evidence before dismissal, trial will begin around Dec 9th.
I cannot discuss the current discovery in detail, but I can say that we know all of the Roanoke cases are "cold cases" the FBI decided not to prosecute, and were resurrected in retaliation for my acquittal in Norfolk. In one case, we have a statement from the "victim" saying they were not "threatened" and they did not want me prosecuted. In another, the phone calls I'm alleged to have made were made by Mike Burks, imitating me. In the Leonard Pitts case, the FBI Agent, David Church, testified in open court Oct 19th, 2008, that I had nothing to do with any "threats." I just spent the afternoon receiving documents showing one of the cases was closed at the request of the victim and because it did not constitute a crime in May 2007 - but was resurrected by a call from the DOJ more than a year later, when the Norfolk case went down in flames.
So, Alex, I hope some of this is helpful to your readers. The government spent years trying to entrap me, and when I refused to commit a crime, had me arrested on charges they knew were bogus, and then lied to the press to railroad me into detention, where I was systematically brutalized over several months and told the only way out was to "confess" to those crimes I did not commit, and then cooperate and entrap other whites.
Those who have cooperated have gotten bond, but because I "show no remorse," as the government put it in their brief to the 4th Circuit, I am held without bond, because the "appearance of innocence" is not sufficient reason to keep me out of jail.
The [? - ihna] has come, and this kind of repression is what black communism looks like.
If you can make any of this information public, I'd appreciate it. I should be out and done in a few weeks, but white people need to know this stuff is happening now.
P.S.: I can no longer blame people like Glenn Miller or David Duke who have pled guilty out of fear of the federal government. Nor can I blame those who cooperate out of fear. Under torture, or threat of torture, admitting crimes you didn't commit and confessing to whatever is wanted is not irrational.
But those who lie out of malice or for money are very low in my book - and most of the informers on my case were of the latter sort. I am just fortunate to have had two excellent legal teams and a lot of personal support from so many people. Without them and their hard investigative work, I may have been railroaded for life before a fixed Chicago judge and convicted of these lies.